Indonesian Papua • Melanesia • IDP

The Two Rivers of Justice in Indonesian Papua

Indonesian Papua sits at the confluence of adat law and the Indonesian state legal order. A deeply Melanesian society governed from Jakarta, it offers a stark example of parallel justice systems operating in conditions of long-running political conflict and legal pluralism.

Part of the Two Rivers of Justice – Oceania series Region: Melanesia Status: Provinces of Indonesia (Papua & West Papua)
Start with the overview section 1 Download full country report (PDF) Best read alongside the slide images, infographic and video overview.
Infographic introducing the two rivers of justice in Indonesian Papua.
Video overview

Two Rivers of Justice — Indonesian Papua (IDP)

This short film, Two Worlds, One Justice – Indonesian Papua, traces the river of adat law and the river of Indonesian state law: how they emerged, where they collide around land and resource disputes, and what this means for everyday justice in Papua.

The video is designed to accompany the full country report and slide deck, making the material accessible for teaching, community dialogues and professional training in mediation and conflict transformation.

1. Overview

Indonesian Papua in the Melanesian legal landscape

Indonesian Papua comprises the provinces of Papua and West Papua. It is home to more than 300 ethno-linguistic groups who share a distinct Melanesian identity, culturally separate from the majority of Indonesia.

The region was formally integrated into Indonesia following the controversial 1969 “Act of Free Choice”. Since then it has been marked by persistent demands for self-determination, human rights concerns and deeply rooted grievances about racism, land dispossession and political marginalisation. The 2001 Special Autonomy Law (OTSUS) was meant to resolve these issues by devolving authority to provincial government, but two decades on many Papuans view it as a failed promise.

For dispute resolution practitioners, Indonesian Papua presents a complex picture: robust customary (adat) systems of justice – centred on elders, kinship and the spiritual significance of land – operate in parallel with a centralised state system of courts, police and administrative law. Understanding these “two rivers” of law is essential for any meaningful engagement with Papuan communities.

Note on terminology: This page uses “Indonesian Papua” to refer to the territories commonly known as Papua and West Papua. The term “Papuan” is used for indigenous Melanesian communities, whose values, identities and legal traditions span administrative boundaries.
Context map of Indonesian Papua within Melanesia and Indonesia.
Figure 1. Indonesian Papua: a Melanesian homeland within the Indonesian archipelago.
2. Foundations

Cultural, historical and political foundations

Customary justice in Papua is grounded in collectivism, kinship and spiritual relationships to land, while the modern legal framework is shaped by Indonesian constitutional law and the legacy of Dutch colonialism.

Indigenous Papuans belong to around 310 distinct ethno-linguistic groups. Despite this diversity, they share a strong sense of common Melanesian identity that is repeatedly contrasted with the “Asian” identity of most Indonesians and provides a bedrock for Papuan nationalism. Land (ulayat) is held communally and is a key marker of kinship; disputes are therefore never purely individual, but implicate whole clans and communities.

On the state side, Indonesia is formally defined as a “state of law” under the 1945 Constitution. Papua is subject to the national hierarchy of courts – general, administrative and religious tribunals – and to national statutes such as the Basic Agrarian Act (Law No. 5/1960) and the Arbitration and ADR Act. OTSUS was intended to recognise Papuan distinctiveness, including the use of regional symbols and the protection of customary land rights, but implementation has been partial and contested.

  • Melanesian identity and collective ownership of ulayat land underpin traditional authority and conflict resolution.
  • The 1969 Act of Free Choice remains widely viewed as illegitimate, fuelling ongoing political conflict with Jakarta.
  • Special Autonomy has not delivered promised reforms such as a Truth and Reconciliation Commission, leaving historic grievances unaddressed.
Timeline of Papuan history, including colonial rule, integration into Indonesia and the Special Autonomy law.
Figure 2. Key historical milestones shaping conflict and legal pluralism in Indonesian Papua.
3. Customary mechanisms

Adat authorities, ceremonies and restitution

Adat dispute-resolution practices in Papua are diverse but share common features: elder-led deliberation, public ceremonies and an emphasis on restoring harmony rather than imposing punishment.

Across many Papuan communities, elders’ councils and traditional leaders play a central role. In Sentani and Jayapura, for example, the Ondoafi or Ondofolo exercises genealogical and spiritual authority over land, social order and ritual life. Their legitimacy derives from ancestral connection to the land and they act as key mediators in inter-group disputes.

Customary processes are often highly ritualised. Conflicts are addressed through musyawarah (deliberation) and peace ceremonies such as bakar batu (stone-cooking feast), where the community gathers to witness apology, restitution and reconciliation. Restorative payments – including the practice of bayar kepala, literally “paying for the head” – compensate for serious harms and allow relationships to be re-balanced.

  • Justice is community-centred: disputes implicate kin groups and must be resolved collectively, not privately.
  • Outcomes focus on restoring harmony through restitution and ceremony, not on incarceration or abstract legal rights.
  • Traditional leaders’ authority is spiritual as well as social; failure to comply risks not only social sanctions but spiritual misfortune.
Diagram showing elders, kinship groups, ceremonies and restitution payments in Papuan customary justice.
Figure 3. Adat justice: elders’ councils, reconciliation ceremonies and restorative payments.
4. State system

Indonesian courts, ADR and land law in Papua

The Indonesian state system brings a hierarchy of courts and formal ADR mechanisms into Papua, alongside national legislation that both recognises and constrains customary rights.

The general, administrative and religious court systems hear most criminal, civil and public-law disputes. Appeals progress from district courts to provincial high courts and ultimately to the Supreme Court. In addition, the Arbitration and ADR Act provides a statutory basis for arbitration, mediation and conciliation, while a 2002 Supreme Court circular promotes court-annexed mediation before full hearings.

Several statutes are especially relevant for Papuan disputes. The Basic Agrarian Act recognises customary land (hak ulayat) in principle, while OTSUS commits to protecting customary community land rights. Constitutional Court decision 35/PUU-X/2012 further affirmed that customary forests belong to indigenous communities, not the state. However, administrative hurdles and inconsistent judicial practice mean that many communities still struggle to have their rights recognised in practice.

  • Courts and formal ADR operate according to civil-law procedures and Indonesian statutes rather than local adat norms.
  • Land is often treated as an economic commodity, clashing with communal, spiritual understandings of ulayat land.
  • Implementation gaps – especially around OTSUS and land registration – create legal uncertainty and fuel conflict.
Diagram of Indonesian court hierarchy, ADR mechanisms and key legislation applied in Papua.
Figure 4. The Indonesian “river of state law” as it flows through Papua.
5. Legal pluralism

Where adat and state law meet — and collide

Adat law and state law in Papua coexist in a pattern of formal recognition, parallel practice, hybrid forums and sharp friction, especially over land and resources.

The 1945 Constitution (Article 18B(2)) and OTSUS formally recognise “customary law communities” and their rights. In practice, however, communities must satisfy demanding administrative criteria to have their existence and territories formally recognised. During this period of limbo, they are vulnerable to concessions being granted over their lands.

Courts sometimes affirm adat rights, as in the Bapuli case, where a Dayak community member accused of theft was acquitted on the basis that he had harvested palm oil from trees he planted on his own customary land. In other cases, such as the Bongku prosecution, judges have dismissed adat claims without careful inquiry, prioritising company concession rights. At a macro level, the state’s failure to establish the promised Truth and Reconciliation Commission under OTSUS leaves serious human rights violations unaddressed.

  • Recognition without effective implementation creates a “stumbling block” that undermines trust in state institutions.
  • Land and resource disputes reveal fundamentally different value systems: communal, spiritual understandings of land versus capitalist, extractive logics.
  • Legal pluralism in Papua is not a tidy division of labour; it is a contested space where power, identity and justice are constantly renegotiated.
Diagram showing collision points between the river of custom and the river of state law.
Figure 5. Points of friction between the river of adat and the river of Indonesian state law in Papua.
6. Comparison

Customary Papuan practices and Western mediation models

The report provides a structured comparison between Papuan customary practices and mainstream Australian / Western mediation, highlighting deep differences in values, roles and process design.

Adat practices emphasise collective harmony, restoration of relationships and the stability of the community. Authority lies with recognised leaders such as Ondoafis whose legitimacy is rooted in lineage and spirituality; they are not neutral but are trusted to guide or determine outcomes. Proceedings are public and ritualised, and outcomes focus on restitution and social balance.

By contrast, Western mediation is built around individual autonomy, neutrality, confidentiality and voluntariness. The mediator is a neutral facilitator with no authority to decide; processes are structured around private sessions and written agreements. These philosophical differences mean that simply exporting a standard Western facilitative model into Papuan contexts is likely to be culturally unsafe and ineffective.

Practice note: For many Papuan communities, a resolution that has not been witnessed and validated by elders and the wider kin group may lack legitimacy, even if it meets formal legal standards or resembles a textbook mediation outcome.
Comparison matrix of customary Papuan practices and Western mediation features.
Figure 6. Comparing the “two rivers” of dispute resolution: adat practices and Western mediation.
7. Practice

Implications for mediators and practitioners

The report offers detailed guidance for culturally safe practice when working with Papuan individuals and communities, framed in terms of cultural humility and adaptive mediation.

Practitioners must recognise that disputes are rarely purely individual: they touch kin groups, community identity and relationships to land. Mediation that focuses only on individual parties and private conversations can miss the true scope of the conflict. Land is not just property but a spiritual and genealogical map of the community; treating it as a simple asset risks undermining trust.

Adaptive strategies include involving respected community leaders as co- mediators or advisors; allowing narrative and storytelling to address historical grievances; incorporating ritual and ceremony where appropriate; and explicitly re-negotiating concepts such as neutrality and confidentiality for a collectivist context. Above all, mediators should co-design processes with participants rather than imposing a fixed model imported from elsewhere.

  • Work with, not around, traditional authority – engage Ondoafis and elders as partners in designing the process.
  • Create space for ceremony, apology and shared meals as part of resolution, not as optional extras.
  • Be alert to historical trauma and current power imbalances, especially where state institutions or corporations are parties to the dispute.
Practice-oriented slide summarising adaptive mediation strategies for Indonesian Papua.
Figure 7. Adaptive mediation strategies for Indonesian Papua.
8. Case studies

Illustrative case studies

Two cases from the report illustrate how adat and state systems can either support or undermine each other in practice.

Case study A

The Bapuli decision – when courts affirm adat tenure

Dayak Agabag community, palm oil concession dispute

A member of the Dayak Agabag community was prosecuted for allegedly stealing palm oil fruit from a plantation company. The court acquitted him after recognising that he had harvested from trees planted on his own customary land. This decision effectively acknowledged adat-based tenure as a valid defence against corporate claims, showing how courts can function as sites for the recognition of indigenous land rights when judges engage seriously with customary evidence.

Case study B

The Bongku prosecution – when adat is sidelined

Customary farming versus company concessions

In another case, a villager argued that he was clearing forest in accordance with traditional practice on land he regarded as customary territory. The judge, however, dismissed his customary status without in-depth inquiry and convicted him, prioritising the company’s formal concession. This contrasting outcome highlights the inconsistency of judicial engagement with adat and the vulnerability of customary communities when courts adopt a narrow, state-centric approach to rights and evidence.

9. Conclusion

Two rivers, unresolved tensions

Indonesian Papua offers a vivid example of how powerful customary systems and a centralised state legal order can coexist in tension, especially where historical grievances and resource pressures remain unresolved.

The adat river of justice – rooted in land, kinship and spiritual norms – continues to command deep legitimacy for Papuan communities. The state river, with its courts, police and statutory frameworks, provides formal recognition of customary rights yet often fails to deliver protection on the ground. Legal pluralism here is not merely theoretical; it is lived daily in land disputes, resource conflicts and community efforts to maintain dignity and self-determination.

For practitioners in Australia and across Oceania, the central lesson is the need for culturally fluent, adaptive practice that honours Papuan values while engaging critically with state structures. Effective work in this context will be measured less by the ability to apply standard mediation models, and more by the capacity to listen, learn and co-create processes that genuinely restore relationships and respect the Papuan pursuit of justice.